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Come possiamo cambiare? Gustavo Esteva | 14 giugno 2014 |

Come possiamo cambiare?
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La necessità di resistere alla violenza delle politiche di rapina ed espropriazione della nostra possibilità di decidere come vivere è largamente diffusa. Ci divide il “come” resistere. C’è chi guarda in basso e chi verso l’alto. Alcuni provano a mettere in atto cambiamenti profondi e dicono sia il solo modo efficace per resistere. Altri continuano a esercitare il “sacro” diritto di chiedere a quelli che stanno in alto dei cambiamenti (cosmetici) e alimentano la fantasiosa idea secondo la quale la soluzione arriverà quando a un potere cattivo si potrà sostituire un potere che si presume migliore. Milioni di persone sono pronte a tutto per difendere o conquistare il diritto di chiedere  di cambiare le cose o il mondo. È una tradizione antica, forse un’eredità monarchica che deriva da quando bisognava davvero chiedere tutto al re. L’esperienza dice invece che i cambiamenti profondi non arrivano dall’alto 

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di Gustavo Esteva

Il malcontento è indistinto, abbondante e diffuso…  anzi, generalizzato. Man mano che aumenta l’ondata di violenza, tanto quella dei criminali che stanno in alto e quella dei criminali che stanno in basso quanto quella dell’economia. Come evitare che lo scontento degeneri in disperazione? Come convertirlo in capacità di trasformazione? Cosa possiamo fare? 

Prendetevi cura di voi stessi, prendetevi cura di noi, ci ha detto il Galeano nella sua prima apparizione. Questa è la priorità. Dobbiamo impegnarci nella difesa degli zapatisti; non deve passare giorno senza che si faccia qualcosa di fronte alle minacce che li circondano. E abbiamo  bisogno di prenderci cura di noi stessi, perché esse pesano pure su di noi. 

La minaccia principale viene dall’alto: governo e classi politiche agiscono come imprenditori della spoliazione, della violenza, della corruzione e dell’impunità. C’è un crescente consenso sulla necessità di resistere alle loro politiche e alle loro azioni. Ma ci divide la forma della risposta. Alcuni  guardano verso il basso, altri verso l’alto. Alcuni si fanno carico di cambiamenti profondi, che vedono come l’unica forma efficace di resistere, mentre altri continuano a chiedere a quelli che stanno in alto alcuni cambiamenti cosmetici e alimentano la fantasiosa idea secondo la quale la soluzione arriverà quando potranno sostituirli con altri che si suppone siano migliori.

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Ci sono milioni di persone, qui e da altre parti, che sono disposte a dare tutto, perfino la vita, per difendere il sacro diritto di chiedere. E’ una tradizione antica, forse ereditata dalla monarchia, quando  bisognava chiedere tutto al re. Secondo il modello statunitense, è fondamento di tutte le società democratiche moderne, che si basano sulla docilità e la sottomissione al potere, come ha stabilito la nostra prima Costituzione (1).

La libertà politica che si considera più importante nelle democrazie contemporanee è il diritto di riunione, consacrato nella Dichiarazione dei Diritti degli Stati Uniti come il diritto del popolo a riunirsi pacificamente e a  rivolgersi al governo per correggere le sue ingiustizie. É il Primo Emendamento, il primo. Afferma il diritto di riunirsi…per poter esercitare il diritto di fare richieste, che sarebbe il diritto fondamentale nello Stato-nazione, nel regime creato per amministrare il capitalismo. Si definisce con cinismo democrazia, anche se con esso i cittadini non possono partecipare alle decisioni di governo e, ancor meno, possono imporre la loro volontà ai governanti. Possono chiedere qualcosa sì, ma le autorità, così come faceva il re, possono non farci caso.  

Ha ancora senso esercitare la nostra libertà di riunirci e manifestare, ogni giorno più esposta a regolamentazione e repressione. Non dobbiamo perderla. Ma è insensato continuare a dedicare le nostre energie a chiedere a coloro che stanno in alto – attraverso cortei, raccolte di firme, o quel che sia – che facciano il contrario di quello che stanno facendo. L’esperienza mondiale, e in particolare quella messicana, mostrano che, vogliano o no i funzionari esaudire le richieste della gente e affrontare a fondo “i problemi” attuali, non possono farlo.

È impossibile realizzare dall’alto i cambiamenti profondi di cui oggi c’è bisogno.

Ci sono quelli che continuano a sperare in un grande avvenimento sconvolgente: colpi di mano, di Stato o di fortuna che producano improvvisamente questi cambiamenti. É un’illusione pericolosa e paralizzante.

Non posso più credere a cambiamenti magici, come un’insurrezione vittoriosa che trasformi una società, ci ha detto tempo fa Mercedes Moncada, del Nicaragua. Credo che le rivoluzioni siano graduali, profonde e associate alla vita quotidiana. Devono radicarsi in tutti gli spazi delle società, nelle famiglie, nelle relazioni personali, nei più piccoli, nei vicinati, in tutto ciò che in fin dei conti definisce la forma del potere.

Ce lo aveva detto pure, nel 2007, il defunto sup (il Subcomandante Marcos, ndt) : ”Le grandi trasformazioni non cominciano né in alto né con fatti grandiosi ed epici, bensì con movimenti piccoli nella loro forma e che appaiono irrilevanti per il politico e l’analista che stanno in alto. La storia non si trasforma partendo dalle piazze piene o dalle moltitudini indignate, ma piuttosto…partendo dalla coscienza organizzata di gruppi e collettivi che si conoscono e si riconoscono reciprocamente, in basso e a sinistra, e costruiscono un’altra politica”.

Di questo si tratta oggi. In questo deve consistere il prenderci cura di noi stessi e di loro. Come ha detto ancora il sup: “Le trasformazioni reali di una società, ovvero,  delle relazioni sociali in un dato momento storico… sono quelle che vanno dirette contro il sistema nel suo insieme. Attualmente non sono possibili rattoppi né riforme. In cambio, sono possibili e necessari i movimenti antisistemici”. 

Se riuscissimo a rompere il velo che nasconde le illusioni della rivendicazione o della sostituzione dei dirigenti, potremmo concentrarci su ciò che veramente manca ed è completamente fattibile: organizzarci in gruppi e collettivi che possano farci crescere mutuamente nella pratica di azioni effettivamente trasformatrici, per affrontare con efficacia le minacce terribili  che pesano su di noi e convertire la situazione nell’opportunità di cambiamento che da tanto sogniamo.

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(1). La Costituzione del 1917 è un apporto della tradizione giuridica messicana al costituzionalismo universale, dato che fu la prima costituzione della storia che include i diritti sociali, due anni prima della Costituzione tedesca di Weimar(1919).

Foto:  Massimo Tennenini

Fonte: la Jornada. Titolo originale: El sagrado derecho a pedir 

Traduzione per Comune-info: a cura di Camminar Domandando.

Gustavo Esteva vive a Oaxaca, in Messico. I suoi libri vengono pubblicati in diversi paesi del mondo. In Italia, sono stati tradotti: «Elogio dello zapatismo», Karma edizioni: «La Comune di Oaxaca», Carta; e, proprio in questi mesi, per l’editore Asterios gli ultimi tre: «Antistasis. L’insurrezione in corso»; «Torniamo alla Tavola» e «Senza Insegnanti». In Messico Esteva scrive regolarmente per il quotidiano La Jornada ma i suoi saggi vengono pubblicati anche in molti altri paesi. In Italia collabora con Comune-info.

Tutti gli altri articoli di Gustavo Esteva usciti su Comune-info sono qui  

Un piccolo nucleo di amici italiani di Esteva, autodenominatosi “camminar domandando”, nei mesi scorsi ha stampato il testo della conversazione tenuta da Esteva a Bologna nell’aprile 2012 (i temi in parte sono gli stessi degli incontri tenutisi nell’occasione a Lucca, in Val di Susa, Torino, Milano, Venezia, Padova, Firenze e Roma):  “Crisi sociale e alternative dal basso. Difesa del territorio, beni comuni, convivialità”. (chi vuole, può scaricarlo su www.camminardomandando.wordpress.com).

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